Mainstream Media Narratives Are Branding Democrats as Extreme and Republicans as Normal
What you will learn when you read this article:
How decades of mainstream media framing have shaped public perception of Democrats and Republicans.
Why repetition, selective amplification, and internal division are critical lessons for communicators managing brand narratives.
What PR professionals can take away about framing, transparency, and message discipline in today’s political and media landscape.
During my long career in public relations, I have often been considered a maverick because I went against the PR 101 rules whenever possible. This was most often to a client’s delight, if not always to top management, which developed what I consider the now trite norms of the trade.
Going against the grain worked for me, first as a journalist and then during my long career in public relations. I am certain this essay also goes against the grain because of its viewpoints, which I have not seen expressed by anyone else.
For decades, right-wing media have lambasted what they call the mainstream media for being anti-Republican. In reality, right-wing pundits should praise mainstream media, because mainstream news coverage has helped make the Democratic Party what it is today — a party in disarray.
For years, mainstream outlets have written that Democrats lost rural voters by ignoring their concerns. They have written that Democrats rely on identity politics. They have written that Democrats lack a clear strategy. And they have written that Democratic leaders are ineffectual communicators, a trend visible since the Obama administration. For communicators, this shows how repetition of a single narrative — even if critical — can cement an identity in the public mind. Once framed, it is extremely difficult to rebrand without bold and sustained messaging.
At the same time, mainstream media have given major coverage to Republican attacks on Democrats, helping spread the GOP gospel. They have reported that Democrats have shifted far left because a handful of democratic socialists and a few ultraliberal members hold elected office. In reality, most Democrats are left-of-center liberals, not socialists, as I am. The lesson for PR professionals: selective amplification can distort public perception. Which voices receive coverage often matters more than the balance of facts.
The result has been to frame Republicans as the party of mainstream America and Democrats as a party of progressive extremists. That framing has stuck since the New Deal, the Great Society and the Affordable Care Act. Communicators can see here how framing over decades defines long-term brand positioning — one that opponents can leverage endlessly unless actively countered.
Even when Democrats respond to accusations, mainstream coverage still tends to reinforce the Republican position. Consider recent rallies for Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Coverage highlighted crowd size without perspective: rally turnout does not necessarily indicate election results, as Al Gore, John Kerry and Hillary Clinton could attest. Communicators should recognize the danger of anecdotal optics becoming “proof” in the public arena. Scale without context often misleads audiences.
Another example is Zohran Kwame Mamdani’s nomination as the Democratic candidate for mayor of New York City. Mainstream stories focus on how his candidacy might reshape the national party. Missing, however, are stories about how democratic socialists often weaken Democrats by challenging traditional candidates in primaries. For communicators, the insight is clear: internal divisions, when left unmanaged, become the dominant external story. Messaging unity is often as important as policy substance.
Michigan’s 2026 Senate race illustrates this. Democrat Elissa Slotkin barely defeated Republican Mike Rogers in 2024. Now Abdul El-Sayed, a socialist and critic of Israel, is running in the Democratic primary for an open Senate seat. Whether he wins or not, the primary fight is bound to divide Democrats and help Rogers.
Democratic leaders’ failure to consistently counter Trump administration policies or address socialist infiltration plays directly into GOP hands. If socialists are convinced Americans back their agenda, they should start their own party rather than run as Democrats. By hiding under the Democratic label, they rely on low-turnout primaries to push through policies most voters do not support.
This strategy mirrors the rise of the MAGA wing of the GOP: both are minority factions willing to fracture their party to achieve power. The communicator’s takeaway is that factions and splinter groups always test the limits of brand discipline. If unchecked, they can redefine the brand identity against the will of the majority.
History offers perspective. Fiorello LaGuardia, New York’s mayor from 1934 to 1945, was known for uniting people despite his socialist leanings. Unlike Mamdani, LaGuardia had significant governmental experience and was transparent about his views. That is why he is considered one of the best mayors in New York’s history.
Mamdani, by contrast, has identified with the Democratic Socialists of America, whose positions include calling capitalism “barbaric” and opposing NATO and Israel. He downplays these ties during campaigns. In my opinion, that is sleazy politics.
At least Sanders is upfront about being an Independent, even if I disagree with him on some issues. Mamdani, Ocasio-Cortez and others in “the Squad” should show similar honesty rather than cloaking themselves as Democrats. Communicators should note that transparency, even when controversial, often builds more credibility than cloaking or hedging. Audiences punish perceived dishonesty harder than they punish disagreement.
Today, local politics quickly become national news, which is why Democrats need younger, more vibrant spokespeople who can clearly differentiate their party from both Republicans and socialists. If they do not, their chances of regaining the House of Representatives will diminish. For communicators, this is a reminder that messenger matters as much as message. Generational alignment, authenticity and energy can dramatically shift how a brand is received.
The problem extends to the media itself. On Sept. 8, CBS News appointed Kenneth R. Weinstein, a longtime figure in right-leaning policy circles, as its first ombudsman. His role is to review coverage complaints, which further highlights the tilt I describe.
Many will dismiss my argument that mainstream media coverage favors Republicans. But that does not mean it isn’t true. And communicators can learn from this. PR professionals should not be bound by the textbook tenets they learned in school. Think for yourself. Show creativity. Do not let supervisors define you. And do not let others take credit for your good work.
If you fail to do this, you risk spending years trying to convince journalists that a No. 10 pencil is better than a No. 9 pencil — only to find yourself obsolete, like the pencils.
An unspoken truth in PR is that when two people vie for the same promotion, each may hope the other fails, even at the cost of losing an account. Likewise, democratic socialists seem willing to see traditional Democrats lose if their own candidates cannot win.
I have seen failed social experiments before — from open enrollment policies that diluted New York’s public colleges, to forced busing that undermined schools and neighborhoods, to affirmative action practices that displaced qualified students and workers. These policies, however well-intentioned, often led to worse outcomes.
Now, in Europe, failed socialist policies are evolving into neo-fascist governments. I do not want to see that replicated in the United States. Even if I agree with some progressive policies, I would rather see democratic socialist candidates defeated than see them destroy the Democratic Party, a party that has historically enacted legislation to help middle-class and needy Americans.
